By Farakh A Khan

In 1999 while working at the King Edward Medical College I developed differences with the CEO formally called the Principal. The KEMC and others were given autonomy that year. Then came the 4^th coup of Gen Musharraf. The CEO used his army connections to frame me. The charge against me was that I had ‘put army in disrepute’ in polite language in other words I was a traitor. This was proved false and nothing was done.

In recent days the newspapers are full of once dreaded army generals and brigadiers rolling over each other to be on TV primetime giving inner secrets of past wrongdoings and ‘put army in disrepute’. This is not the first time that the army has freely indulged in civil affairs thus breaking the army rules. The problem started when Ayub Khan as the army chief was made the Defence Minister in 1954. ZA Bhutto went a step further and established a Political Cell in the ISI in 1974. Since then the ISI, FIA, IB, and MI have ruled our political life with the army high command in the background. We allowed generals to do wheeling-dealings freely with political parties in exile abroad, which was against army rules. Then we saw the army being used against its own people. In 1971 the army was fighting a political situation with guns. The army was used many times in Balochistan, Fata and now Swat. Kargil is still a dark episode where 400 soldiers of Azad Kashmir Regiments were sacrificed in a futile exercise. It is significant that only AK Regiment people were killed and not from other provinces otherwise Musharraf would have been ousted much earlier. The army was historically used against political parties in Sindh and Balochistan during ZA Bhutto, Zia, and Musharraf times. Then there are serious allegations of use of army in 2002 rigged elections. There are many dark secrets within the army.

We must know the dark past but there is little one can do to rectify major deviations from rule of law now. When Air Marshal Asghar Khan put in his petition in the Supreme Court (1994) against senior army officers dishing out money to destabilise PPP government in 1989 he actually wanted to punish the army officers for ‘putting army in disrepute’ (TV interview September with Naseem Zahra 2, 2009). The case is still pending and the accused officers appear freely on the TV as political experts. There is no shortage of experts who tell us how another martial law can be averted. So far the best deterrent has been ironically Article 52 (2) b of the Constitution, which allows the President to dissolve the assemblies. This remained a safety valve to remove a sick government without army intervention. It worked very well till Nawaz Sharif removed the clause in his last tenure and led to Musharraf coup. As said by our political genius Ch Shujaat Hussain that Martial Law requires ‘a jeep and two truckloads of soldiers’ to end civilian rule.

Pakistan desperately needs political and social reforms within the army. I have some though limited experience with the army. In 1971 I was pressed into service as a major for more than 2 months with the 1 Armour Division being the only qualified surgeon with the division. I observed the army in a real situation of war and I was deeply disturbed. Incidentally Gen Ziaul Haq took over the division in the jungles of Pirowal during ceasefire. Pakistan army in 1971 was a replica of British army of the WW I. The officers were still communicating with the soldiers through the JCO as in British days. Gen Zia made the army more ‘religious’ and fat. The higher officer cadre was given rewards in excess of their loyalty unlike any other government service. He also distanced the army from the civilians.

While researching for my book on the history of ‘Murree during the Raj’ I found a close relationship between the civil and military officers in the picturesque setting. The civilian officers and their dependents used the army facilities. Of course the local natives were not allowed any way near these social and sports facilities. During Zia time Pindi and Peshawar Clubs were taken over by the army and converted into messes. The Burban Golf Course became out of bounds for civilians when a general was on the course. In 2009 the historic Barakou rest house on the road to Murree has become an army facility and no civilian is allowed in. The civilians cannot be trusted by their own army and the gap between the two has widened. The army brass should devise means to reverse this trend.

The Pakistan army needs urgent reforms. Most of these have to come from within the military. Deep down we have to change the present culture and mindset of the army. We cannot live with four coups, which ‘put army in disrepute’ and we should not give them a farewell military parade.

I have no intention of putting the politicians in ‘disrepute’ as well but the recent reports of corruption and disregard of rule of law at the highest level is painful to read in the newspapers. In 1991 a crackdown was planned in Sindh against dacoits and cheats. It soon became apparent that most of them were sitting in the assemblies and any action would jeopardise the political setup (Mir, Amir. Gen Janjua-the man behind 1992 operation. The News. September 4, 2009). This is somewhat similar to the story of ZA Bhutto meeting with legislators in Quetta where he wanted to stop smuggling and people involved to be arrested. The IG told him that he wouldn’t have to go far as the culprits were all sitting in the room. This did not go down well with him and ordered immediate sacking of the IG. Later sense prevailed and IG was restored. Bhutto was heard muttering that the IG said the right thing at the wrong time.

The cries of putting Musharraf on trial for violating Article 6 of the Constitution as desired by 71% of Pakistanis is a gigantic task. We should be trying in court all the hangers on who received perks and fat salaries from our taxes and ‘put Pakistan in disrepute’. The judges, generals, civil servants, and politicians all come into this category. Some suggest that ‘Truth and Reconciliation Commission” should do the trick. However the level of truth in the society is a major problem. My disappointment with the nation of Pakistan is that we do not mind the evil in our society. If we cannot bring the evildoers in our society to justice we as a society at least should recognise and condemn evildoers of the past and present.

Present problem in our sick democracy is Zardari who has no credibility in his words and actions while continuing in the Musharraf mode. The way he trashed Charter of Democracy is a prime example. His claims to reconciliation with opposition resulted in dismissal of PML-N government in Punjab. The Zardari mindset is stuck in a small time wheeler-dealer trying to get out of one after another tight spots using Karachi street skills. His only claim to fame is being the husband of Benazir and father of the current under age Chairman of PPP Bilawal. Zardari has not only put Pakistan but also PPP in ‘disrepute’. While he is there we cannot expect reforms in our democratic system. Without a functioning democracy the military reforms shall not take place and danger of another decade of military rule shall always hang over us.